Nº 10 (2024)

The article analyzes the development of bilateral relations between the Central African Republic and the Russian Federation in the political, economic and military spheres. In modern conditions, the leadership of the Central African Republic considers the development of military and economic cooperation with the Russian Federation to be one of the main sources of resolving the internal conflict on the territory of the republic, as well as a necessary condition for ensuring the military security of the state, which, in a difficult time for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country, extended a helping hand to the Central African people. At the same time, the colonial past of the Central African Republic in the form of France, which does not want to lose control over its resources, as well as the unprecedented political, economic and informational pressure of the collective West on the Russian Federation create significant problems in achieving the success of bilateral cooperation, which will require a lot of effort to solve. The author of the article suggests ways to solve existing problems.

The article includes analysis of regional vector of foreign policy of North Africa and African Horn States over 21st century in connection with the world mega-trends of development of the human civilization such as globalisation processes, forming united World, including united information space, permanent scientific-technical revolution, more active role of young people and women in economy, social renovating as well as in reforming political life, etc. On the whole, for the past 5 decades the shifts in economic development, in social sphere and results of political reforms have been limited (but anyone could say that this is just the beginning). This article is devoted to the analysis of the main factors of various nature influencing the regional vector of the foreign policy of the North African and African Horn countries. The results obtained through several steps that have been made on the way of modernization had influenced foreign policy but not terminated some conflicts the more serious and more painful problem. The historical gap between two epochs, namely colonial and postcolonial, gave birth to some obstacles, which are difficult or even impossible to overcome during short or medium perspective bearing in mind the strong external dependency of the countries of North Africa and the Horn of Africa. The latter could not disappear instantly. This is the problem for the whole epoch that is full of contradictions and controversial trends.

The article deals with topical issues of water use on the major rivers of West Africa: Gambia, Senegal and Niger. It is emphasized that rapid population growth and active economic development of coastal territories, construction of hydraulic engineering facilities, as well as often excessive development of fossil resources, which inevitably leads to pollution of river waters, damages populations of their inhabitants and as a result poses a threat to food security and human health, cause serious damage to the ecological balance of these rivers. At the same time, the interests of communities come into conflict with the interests of state economic development. In order to achieve sustainable economic development, the issues of effective management of water resources taking into account climate change, the use of modern technologies for water use and water purification are among the priorities. The activities of cross-border organizations for the joint use of river basins are analyzed. The authors conclude that, in order to conserve water resources, an integrated approach is needed to assess their condition and sustainable use for economic development and improving the standard of living of the population..

The author attempts to substantiate the hypothesis that Singapore, during the years of Lee Kuan Yew’s tenure as Prime Minister (1965-1990), pursued a pragmatic foreign policy course that was innovative for a small power. It was based on a hedging strategy in interaction with the United States, Singapore’s major partner, and maintaining equidistant relations with others important states in the region and around the globe. This politics also allowed Singapore to enter the XXI century with notable diplomatic achievements, the most important of which was an ability to maintain very close relations with both Washington and Beijing. As the geopolitical situation in the Asia-Pacific region becomes more complex, the Singaporean leadership, despite continuing attempts to preserve foreign policy balance between its main partners, appears to be gradually moving towards alignment with Washington contrary to the principles of multi-vector foreign policy laid down by its Founding Father. Thus, Singapore, which at one time set a trend towards greater independence in foreign policy in spite of physical limitations, in the current realities, on the contrary, prefers a more traditional behavioral model for a smaller power in dealing with bigger counterparts.

The article analyzes Ethiopia’s entry into the BRICS alliance, a new wave of expansion that took place in August 2023 following the alliance’s summit in Johannesburg, South Africa. The choice of Ethiopia as a new member of the BRICS format is influenced by the country’s strategic location in the Horn of Africa, which gives it importance in the context of global trade routes through the Red Sea, the special role the country plays in the continent’s diplomatic engagement, and its significant demographic and economic potential. The authors examine the Ethiopian government’s motivation for joining BRICS, including the pursuit of national interests, namely access to seaports, development of the hydropower sector, and diversification of partnerships for the benefit of economic development against the backdrop of deteriorating relations with Western countries. It can be seen that a number of the country’s national interests as well as foreign trade objectives can be secured through membership in the association. Joining BRICS resonates with Addis Ababa’s desire to forge mutually respectful relations with developing countries and reflects the country’s geopolitical prestige on the continent. Ethiopia’s economic reasons for joining include rapid economic growth, established trade and investment relations with member countries, the need for external financial assistance, and integration into the continent’s trade.

In recent years, Russia has paid special attention to co-operation with the Arab monarchies of the Gulf. Despite pressure from the United States and Western countries, the states of the region have not joined the diplomatic pressure and sanctions regimes. However, not all countries from the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) are equally open to deepening co-operation with Russia. For example, Qatar has a more restrained stance on cooperation with Moscow. This is due to special relationship between Doha and Washington. Moments that have contributed to the formation of an essentially allied relationship between the two states are highlighted. Regional situations in which Washington and Doha have acted as close and trusting partners are examined. The study also examines the implications of the evolving of US-Qatar relations for the Middle East..